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Vaoaiya (Bhawaia) – Part 1

The Folksong of Northern Bangladesh

by Wing Commander Mir Ali Akhtar (Retired)
and
David Courtney working tools

Villagers and folk music­ians gather in leisure time for some music and relaxation in remote area of Rajarhaat (Bangladesh)
Villagers and folk music­ians gather in leisure time for some music and relaxation in remote area of Rajarhaat (Bangladesh)
Vaoaiya (Bhawaia): The Folksong of Northern Bangladesh
      Part 1 – Introduction
      Part 2 – Music and Texts
      Part 3 – Glossary, Misc., Works Cited

Bangladesh has a rich trad­ition of folk music.  Although internationally the Baul music is the most well known, there is also the vaoaiya (bhawaia), jari, shari, bhatiyali, jager-gaan, jhumur-gaan, shoitto-peerer-gaan, gajir-gaan, gomvira, baul-gaan, jhapan-gaan, maijvandari-gaan, jogeer-gaan, marfoti-gaan, murshidi-gaan, alkap-gaan, torja-gaan, ghatur-gaan, letor-gaan, dhuaa-gaan, khapa-gaan, and a host of others.  This page will concentrate on the vaoaiya(a.k.a. Bhawaia), which is one of the most pop­ular mainstream folk-songs of nor­thern Bangladesh.


Background

The his­tory of the vaoaiya folk song, like the his­tory of most folk arts, is not al­ways clear.  It is believed that the vaoaiya originated in the Rangpur Districts and the Koch Behar.  Many believe that it is traceable back to the 14th and 15th cen­tury.

The first scholarly ap­proach to the sub­ject of vaoaiya ap­pears to be the work of Sir Abraham Grierson (1851-1941).  He was a former Bri­tish Deputy Collector of the Rangpur district.  He collected two vaoaiya lyrics 1898 and used them as an example of the lo­cal dialect.  It is published in his book Linguistic Survey of India (1903), Vol-V, Part-I.

Etymology

The term “vaoaiya” is of uncertain origin.  Due to varying pronunciations, it is also often transliterated as “Bhawaia”.  When one looks at the his­tory of the usage of word, as well as the his­tory of the folk-song, many inconsistencies are seen.

Several dif­fer­ent etymologies have been proposed.  It has been sug­gested by late Shibendro Narayan Mondol of Goripur Assam, that the term vaoaiya is der­ived from the term “bhava” which means emotion.  This is consistent with the themes of love which are the predominant emotion of this folk-song.  How­ever a somewhat dif­fer­ent view was put forward by the Late Dormonarayan Voktishashtree of Kaligonj, Lalmonirhat, Rangpur.  He sug­gests that term “vaoaiya” originated from the term “vabaiya” means “that which inspires contemplation”.

These two etymologies may not be as conflicting as they might on the surface appear.  It is cer­tainly pos­sible that there is a linguistic link bet­ween the Sanskrit “bhava” and the vernacular “vabaiya”.  If so then, both etymologies may be con­si­dered to be somewhat related.

The usage of the term “vaoaiya ” is not universally accepted.  If one goes to very isolated areas, peo­ple may sing the vaoaiya folk-song, but are unaware of the term.  (1999/Boidder bazaar; 2003, Roumari).  Even as late as 1903 in Sir Abraham Grierson in his Linguistic Survey of India, he uses some well known vaoaiya lyrics to illustrate dialects of the area, but does not use the term vaoaiya.

In all probability the songs have been in the region for a very long time, but the term seems to have arisen re­la­ti­vely re­cen­tly.  It ap­pears that these songs were ori­gi­nally re­fer­red and named by its sub­ject or main hero of the lyrics.  There­fore a vaoaiya lyric about trapped crane (boga) was fa­mous as bogar-gaan (song about he crane), an­other vaoaiya about (bull-cart driver) would be called gaariaal vai.  A song about the chilmari river port, would be called chilmarir-gaan. such designations are still used by folk music­ians today.  How­ever sometime bet­ween 1887 and 1903 the term “vaoaiya” came into usage.


Geographical Distribution

The geographical distribution of the vaoaiya folk song covers much of the Rangpuri (dialect of Bengali) speaking areas of nor­thern Bangladesh.  Precisely vaoaiya is the mainstream folk-song of the Dhorla, Dhudhkumar, Tista, Brahmaputtra river basin area.  The vaoaiya is also found in the Koch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling (Torai), and Goalpara area of Assam where the Rangpuri/Rajbangshi dialect is also spoken.

Map of Bangladesh and North-East India showing the geographical distribution of the Vaoaiya a.k.a. Bhawaia folksong
Map of Bangladesh and North-East India showing the geographical distribution of the vaoaiya folk-song

Language and Dialect

This folk-song is sung in a rustic dialect of Bengali (a.k.a.  Bangla or Banga Bhasha).  The var­ious dialects of Bengali are part of the Eastern group of Indo-European family of lan­gua­ges.  The par­ti­cu­lar, dialect in which most vaoaiya folk-songs are found is Rangpuri, otherwise known as “Rajbongshi”.  Word “Rajbongshi” is the name of a very powerful race of this once Non-Aryan land.  Rajbongshi dialect was fre­quen­tly called Rangpuri and derives its name from one of the Districts in which it is spoken.

In 1903 -1878 the following num­bers of peo­ple used to speak in Rangpuri or Rajbongshi dialect area-wise:

  • Rangpur: 2,037,460
  • Cooch Behar: 562,500
  • Jalpaiguri: 568,976
  • Darjiling (Tarai) : 47,435
  • Goalpara : 292,000

The performance of the vaoaiya uses a very stylised and exaggerated use of as­pira­tions.  These as­pira­tions are much more pronounced than the as­pira­tions normally found in the day-to-day dialects of Bengali.  This produces a very cha­rac­teristic performance style that is much appreciated by the connoisseurs of this rustic art-form.  How­ever, since the use of these exaggerated as­pira­tions carries no linguistic con­sideration, it is better to con­sider this to be a mus­ical ornamentation rather than a linguistic cha­rac­teristic.  As such, we will return to the topic later.


Social Settings

The vaoaiya folk-song must be seen in the context of its rural so­cial en­vi­ron­ment.  We will look at the so­cial aspects of the vaoaiya from four stand­points.  We will look at the con­nec­tion with the agricultural work; the performance within the folk theatres, the instruction and propagation of the art form, and gender associations.

The most com­mon si­tua­tion in which this folk-song will be performed is within the context of agricultural labour.  These songs are com­monly sung while farmers are at work, du­ring breaks, and to relieve the monotony and loneliness at night when they are off in the fields, or otherwise away from home.  These working class villagers are al­ways on the move due to the nature of their jobs, therefore, it is a form of enter­tain­ment that is well suited to their life­style.

Gopal, a folk musician of Nort­hern Bangladesh, returning home at the end of the day with grass for his livestock
Gopal, a folk musician of Nort­hern Bangladesh returning home at the end of the day with grass for his livestock

The con­nec­tion bet­ween folk-song and agricultural labour, is very strong.  For insta­nce some types of songs have comp­letely disappeared as the par­ti­cu­lar form of labour disappeared.  For insta­nce the dolabarir-gaan (songs of low-land cul­ti­va­tion), vuinira-gaan (weed-picking songs), gatar-gaan (songs of communal cul­ti­va­tion), have comp­letely disappeared as these par­ti­cu­lar jobs disappeared.

This folk song may be closely associated with labour, how­ever in the not too dis­tant past, the vaoaiya broke out of its trad­itional agricultural set­ting and found a new home in the folk theatre.  It be­came very impor­tant for three types of theatre.  These were the kushan, dotora-gaan and poddopuran.  Of these three dotora-gaan is no longer extant.

There is a new set­ting which is begin­ning to emerge.  Due to a renaissance in Bengali cul­ture, urban dwellers are now begin­ning to attend concerts and performances of folk music.  Today the vaoaiya and other Bengali folk music may be seen and heard on stages and in theatres in the cities. 

There are a num­ber of positive aspects of this new form of consumption of the art.  There has been the positive ef­fect of giving trad­itional folk music­ians additional sour­ces of income.  It serves to preserve forms of folk-song that might disappear due to changing so­cial, agricultural, and eco­nomic con­di­tions in the villages.  It also raises the awareness of folk art-forms in areas outside of the districts where they have trad­itionally been performed.  How­ever we must also re­mem­ber that taking the folk music outside of its trad­itional en­vi­ron­ment begins to alter its fun­da­men­tal nature.  For the same rea­son that zoos are not a substitute for preservation of natu­ral wildlife, in the same way, the rise in pop­ular­ity of folk theatre in non-traditional; urban set­tings is not a panacea for the loss of rural cul­tures.

For any art-form to thrive, there must also be a vibrant sys­tem for its instruction and propagation.  The instruction for the vaoaiya folk-song is typical of instruction of folk music throughout South Asia.  It is stric­tly an oral trad­ition.  How­ever unlike the formalised sys­tems of training which are typical of the classical trad­itions, (e.g. Hindustani Sangeet), this oral trad­ition is sig­ni­fi­cantly less formalised.  As such, you oc­casion­ally find material trans­mit­ted from teacher to student within the confines of a moderately struc­tured theatre group, but it is more likely that the folk-songs are sim­ply absorbed organically in the same way that other aspects of cul­ture (e.g., food, lan­gua­ges, re­li­gious beliefs) are trans­mit­ted.  It should be men­tioned that ins­titu­tional pre­sence in the preservation, and transmission of folk-songs is pres­ently underway, both by governmental organ­isa­tions as well as NGOs, but this is still in its infancy.

There are strong gender associations in the vaoaiya.  Although the themes of the songs often were those of the feel­ings of wo­men, the vaoaiya were us­ually composed and performed by men.  It is inter­est­ing to look at this fact from the stand­point of wo­men’s rights.  Where the urban Bengali male only be­came vocal con­cerning wo­men’s rights after mid 20th cen­tury, the performers and composers of this folk-song were showing these same con­cerns at least a cen­tury or two ear­lier.  In someway those folks may be con­si­dered to be pioneers in this move­ment.  Can this be con­si­dered to be a proto-feminist move­ment?

It must be noted that sim­ply be­ing con­cerned about the condition of wo­men is not the same as the empowerment of wo­men.  The fact that wo­men ori­gi­nally did not sing the vaoaiya, does raise ques­tions about it feminist credentials.  How­ever in recent years, there has been a rise in of feminist school of thought which actively embrace the con­cept of essen­tialism.  The non-participation of wo­men in the performance of the vaoaiya may be merely a rural acknowledgement of this basic essen­tialism, speci­fically in re­gards to the division of labour.  With the ever widening definitions and scope of feminism, it is arguable that the trad­itional vaoaiya may have elements of essen­tialist feminist thought.

Ultimately these dis­cus­sions of whether vaoaiya may be con­si­dered to re­pre­sent a form of essen­tialist based feminism is of abso­lutely no importance for seve­ral rea­sons.  First, I believe that most peo­ple would praise the ef­forts and sentiments of the pro-women stance, but would balk at its inclusion into the re­la­ti­vely narrow definitions of feminism.  Se­condly it is a mere aca­demic exer­cise attempting to force an element of Bengali folk cul­ture into a largely irrelevant Western intellectual cubby-hole.  Finally, the con­di­tions have to­tally chan­ged since the 1950’s.  From that time on, wo­men have been sing­ing and performing the vaoaiya; therefore the non-participation of wo­men has been a non-issue for half a cen­tury.

The so­cial set­tings are cer­tainly impor­tant for the pro­duc­tion and consumption of this art-form, but this natu­rally leads us to some other topics.  We have al­ready alluded to the fact that these set­tings are ref­lected in the sub­ject mat­ter of the songs.  It is therefore appropriate for us to take a much closer look at the themes and sub­ject mat­ter of these songs.


Themes and Texts

The themes of the vaoaiya folk-song ref­lect the experiences of rural life in nor­thern Bangladesh.  They ref­lect the pro­fes­sions and viewpoints of village life.  We can say that the themes of this folk-song revolve around four main topics.  These deal with occupations, com­mon life is­sues, nature, and folk journalism.  Although a review of the agrarian life­style readily shows that all of these topics are interrelated, it never-the-less forms a convenient posi­tion from which to begin our dis­cus­sion.

The vaoaiya is com­monly linked to the pro­fes­sions of rural life.  Common pro­fes­sions are the, mahout (elephant handler), moishal (buffalo handler), rakhal (cow boy), boidals (bull cart driver), garials (cow cart driver) hallooa (cultivator), or the vui-nira (weed cleaner of the crop fields).  The varied aspects of these pro­fes­sions form major themes for the folksongs.

However, the themes of the var­ious pro­fes­sions do not stay confined to pro­fes­sional topics, for they spill over into the area of life­style and life is­sues.  Evening often finds the villagers many miles away from their homes.  For insta­nce, in the old days, moishals (buffalo handlers) had to stay in bathans away from home and family.  Mahoot (elephant drivers) too, worked in the dis­tant riverbank areas and forests, had the same hard and lonely fate.  Garial (cow-cart drivers) had to transport rice, jute etc. to dis­tant ports or market places; such trips often took seve­ral days.  The separation imposed by the nature of the agrarian economies natu­rally lead to feel­ings of loneliness.  It should be no surprise that such feel­ings are com­monly ref­lected in the themes of the vaoaiya folk-song.

Common life-issue sub­jects of vaoaiya are men-women’s worldly affection, spiritualism, de­sire of affection, painful feel­ings of lost love, destitution, de­sire of pre-marital meetings, sufferings of early widowhood, late mar­riage of mature wo­men, etc.  It also ref­lects wo­men’s variegated feel­ings such as love, affection, likes, dislikes, hopes, frustrations, etc.

Nature also forms impor­tant themes of the vaoaiya folk song.  The nature of the agrarian existence brings peo­ple into close contact with nature; therefore birds and other animals play an impor­tant part in this art-form.  Appearances of birds are es­pec­ially notable in vaoaiya‘s lyrics.  In fact, birds are used to symbolise wo­men’s emotion.  In vaoaiya, birds are the symbolic bearers of messages con­cerning their love and feel­ings to dis­tant beloved ones.  Rivers, and floods are also impor­tant themes of vaoaiya.  This is sim­ply be­cause they play such an impor­tant role in shaping the rural life­style.

Vaoaiya is a good example of folk journalism.  From its lyrics we know aeroplanes were first seen in this area (Rangpur) sky in 1931.  Vaoaiya bears information re­garding World War II, this is seen in references to the construction of Lalmonirhat airfield, construction of Kurigram – Chilmari railway track, and other themes.  We also get information re­garding natu­ral disasters such as cyclones (hurricanes), floods, tidal-bore, famine, etc.

The fact that the vaoaiya folk song ref­lects themes of the pastoral existence is no surprise; how­ever we must also take note of themes which are conspicuous by their ab­sence.  Vaoaiya was never composed on mythological cha­rac­ters or tales.  Unlike many other folk-songs of the sub­con­ti­nent, Lord Krishna and Radha have no pre­sence in vaoaiya‘s theme.  The name “Kala” (nickname of the Lord Krishna) is found in few lyrics, but that has no re­li­gious link, is only to address a wo­men’s beloved one.


Classifications of Vaoaiya

The classification of the var­ious forms of vaoaiya is a thorny topic.  As in many other folk art forms, scholars have proposed classifications, which may be academ­ically defensible, but are gen­erally not acknowledged by the prac­ti­tion­ers them­sel­ves. 

Scholars have classified the vaoaiya as:

  1. Chitan – “Chit” means “to lie on the back”, prob­ably they wanted to mean that a vaoaiya song which is sung in chit posi­tion may be called chitan.  This classification is a bit problematic be­cause all songs can be performed in chit or Kait (laying on ones side) posi­tion.  Ac­cor­ding to this definition, mus­ical char­acter­is­tics are irrelevant.
     
  2. Khirol – This is the name of a river in West Bengal.  A few scholars sug­gest that when the lyrics of the song refer to this river, then the song is of the khirol class.  But again the mus­ical char­acter­is­tics are irrelevant.
     
  3. Kata-Khirol – This classification is somewhat problematic.  This term is neither found in the dictionary, nor used by the com­mon villagers, nor ed­uca­ted Bengalis.  “Kata” means “cut”.  I interviewed many pop­ular vaoaiya singers con­cerning this term and no one could provide an example.
     
  4. Doria – The term “doria” means “sea”, but the geographical distribution of the vaoaiya is away from the sea.  There­fore the meaning of this classification is not clear.
     
  5. Dighol-Nasha – “Dighol” means “long”, and “nasha” means “nose”, so “dighol nasha” would be “long nose”.  But peo­ple also use the word “nashi” amongst the pile (supporting singers-cum-actors) of folk theatres for those who can sing in the high register.
  6. Moishali – The term “mohis” means “buffalo”.  Moishali means “connected with buffalo”.  There­fore moishali – vaoaiya refers to themes that refer to buffalo.  Again the mus­ical char­acter­is­tics are irrelevant.
     
  7. Goran – The term “goran” means “rolling on sides”.  This classification is also problematic.  There is no such tune of folk-song vaoaiya which resembles somebody rolling on the sides and sing­ing.
     

We must reiterate that although these classifications have been used by scholars, they are gen­erally not used by the performers of these folk-songs.  Instead one finds a sys­tem of classification based upon prominent words of the lyrics.  It should be noted that the mus­ical char­acter­is­tics of these classifications are irrelevant.

Here are some examples of the forms of vaoaiya as the peo­ple them­sel­ves would classify them:

  1. Bogar-Gaan – There is a fa­mous song “Fande poriya boga kande re”“Boga” means “he-crane”, therefore “bogar-gaan” means “Song that refers to the he-crane”.
     
  2. Garialvaier-Gaan – There is a fa­mous song, “Oki garial vai koto robo ami ponther ..”  “Garial vai” means “cart driver brother” (“Vai” means “brother” and is a com­mon term of endearment”.)  There­fore, Garialvaier-Gaan means “a song which refers to the brother cart driver”.
     
  3. Chilmari-Bondorer-Gaan – A line in one fa­mous song goes, “…..  hakao gaari tiu Chilmarir bondore…”  “Chilmari” is name of a fa­mous river port of Brahmaputtra.  Chilmari-Bondorer-Gaan literally means “Song that refers to the port Chilmari.”
     
  4. Kuruar-Gaan – Kunkura is kind of grass used to make fishing nets and fishing line for hooks.  The bogar-gaan is also known as kunkurar-gaan, be­cause “…  ahare kunkurar suta…..” is also in the same lyrics.
     
  5. Veloar-Gaan – “Veloa re tui kene kandish ..” The term “veloa” means “an old owl”.  In a fa­mous vaoaiya, “Oh old owl, why do you cry while perched on the cot­tonwood branch?”.  The term “veloar-Gaan” literally means, “A song that refers to an old owl”
     
Vaoaiya (Bhawaia): The Folksong of Northern Bangladesh
      Part 1 – Introduction
      Part 2 – Music and Texts
      Part 3 – Glossary, Misc., Works Cited