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Villagers and folk musicians gather in leisure time for some music and relaxation in remote area of Rajarhaat (Bangladesh)
Bangladesh has a rich tradition of folk music. Although internationally the Baul music is the most well known, there is also the vaoaiya (bhawaia), jari, shari, bhatiyali, jager-gaan, jhumur-gaan, shoitto-peerer-gaan, gajir-gaan, gomvira, baul-gaan, jhapan-gaan, maijvandari-gaan, jogeer-gaan, marfoti-gaan, murshidi-gaan, alkap-gaan, torja-gaan, ghatur-gaan, letor-gaan, dhuaa-gaan, khapa-gaan, and a host of others. This page will concentrate on the vaoaiya(a.k.a. Bhawaia), which is one of the most popular mainstream folk-songs of northern Bangladesh.
The history of the vaoaiya folk song, like the history of most folk arts, is not always clear. It is believed that the vaoaiya originated in the Rangpur Districts and the Koch Behar. Many believe that it is traceable back to the 14th and 15th century.
The first scholarly approach to the subject of vaoaiya appears to be the work of Sir Abraham Grierson (1851-1941). He was a former British Deputy Collector of the Rangpur district. He collected two vaoaiya lyrics 1898 and used them as an example of the local dialect. It is published in his book Linguistic Survey of India (1903), Vol-V, Part-I.
The term "vaoaiya" is of uncertain origin. Due to varying pronunciations, it is also often transliterated as "Bhawaia". When one looks at the history of the usage of word, as well as the history of the folk-song, many inconsistencies are seen.
Several different etymologies have been proposed. It has been suggested by late Shibendro Narayan Mondol of Goripur Assam, that the term vaoaiya is derived from the term "bhava" which means emotion. This is consistent with the themes of love which are the predominant emotion of this folk-song. However a somewhat different view was put forward by the Late Dormonarayan Voktishashtree of Kaligonj, Lalmonirhat, Rangpur. He suggests that term "vaoaiya" originated from the term "vabaiya" means "that which inspires contemplation".
These two etymologies may not be as conflicting as they might on the surface appear. It is certainly possible that there is a linguistic link between the Sanskrit "bhava" and the vernacular "vabaiya". If so then, both etymologies may be considered to be somewhat related.
The usage of the term "vaoaiya " is not universally accepted. If one goes to very isolated areas, people may sing the vaoaiya folk-song, but are unaware of the term. (1999/Boidder bazaar; 2003, Roumari). Even as late as 1903 in Sir Abraham Grierson in his Linguistic Survey of India, he uses some well known vaoaiya lyrics to illustrate dialects of the area, but does not use the term vaoaiya.
In all probability the songs have been in the region for a very long time, but the term seems to have arisen relatively recently. It appears that these songs were originally referred and named by its subject or main hero of the lyrics. Therefore a vaoaiya lyric about trapped crane (boga) was famous as bogar-gaan (song about he crane), another vaoaiya about (bull-cart driver) would be called gaariaal vai. A song about the chilmari river port, would be called chilmarir-gaan. such designations are still used by folk musicians today. However sometime between 1887 and 1903 the term "vaoaiya" came into usage.
The geographical distribution of the vaoaiya folk song covers much of the Rangpuri (dialect of Bengali) speaking areas of northern Bangladesh. Precisely vaoaiya is the mainstream folk-song of the Dhorla, Dhudhkumar, Tista, Brahmaputtra river basin area. The vaoaiya is also found in the Koch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling (Torai), and Goalpara area of Assam where the Rangpuri/Rajbangshi dialect is also spoken.

Map of Bangladesh and North-East India showing the geographical distribution of the vaoaiya folk-song
This folk-song is sung in a rustic dialect of Bengali (a.k.a. Bangla or Banga Bhasha). The various dialects of Bengali are part of the Eastern group of Indo-European family of languages. The particular, dialect in which most vaoaiya folk-songs are found is Rangpuri, otherwise known as "Rajbongshi". Word "Rajbongshi" is the name of a very powerful race of this once Non-Aryan land. Rajbongshi dialect was frequently called Rangpuri and derives its name from one of the Districts in which it is spoken.
In 1903 -1878 the following numbers of people used to speak in Rangpuri or Rajbongshi dialect areawise:
The performance of the vaoaiya uses a very stylised and exaggerated use of aspirations. These aspirations are much more pronounced than the aspirations normally found in the day-to-day dialects of Bengali. This produces a very characteristic performance style that is much appreciated by the connoisseurs of this rustic art-form. However, since the use of these exaggerated aspirations carries no linguistic consideration, it is better to consider this to be a musical ornamentation rather than a linguistic characteristic. As such, we will return to the topic later.
The vaoaiya folk-song must be seen in the context of its rural social environment. We will look at the social aspects of the vaoaiya from four standpoints. We will look at the connection with the agricultural work; the performance within the folk theatres, the instruction and propagation of the art form, and gender associations.
The most common situation in which this folk-song will be performed is within the context of agricultural labour. These songs are commonly sung while farmers are at work, during breaks, and to relieve the monotony and loneliness at night when they are off in the fields, or otherwise away from home. These working class villagers are always on the move due to the nature of their jobs, therefore, it is a form of entertainment that is well suited to their lifestyle.

Gopal, a folk musician of Northern Bangladesh returning home at the end of the day with grass for his livestock
The connection between folk-song and agricultural labour, is very strong. For instance some types of songs have completely disappeared as the particular form of labour disappeared. For instance the dolabarir-gaan (songs of low-land cultivation), vuinira-gaan (weed-picking songs), gatar-gaan (songs of communal cultivation), have completely disappeared as these particular jobs disappeared.
This folk song may be closely associated with labour, however in the not too distant past, the vaoaiya broke out of its traditional agricultural setting and found a new home in the folk theatre. It became very important for three types of theatre. These were the kushan, dotora-gaan and poddopuran. Of these three dotora-gaan is no longer extant.
There is a new setting which is beginning to emerge. Due to a renaissance in Bengali culture, urban dwellers are now beginning to attend concerts and performances of folk music. Today the vaoaiya and other Bengali folk music may be seen and heard on stages and in theatres in the cities.
There are a number of positive aspects of this new form of consumption of the art. There has been the positive effect of giving traditional folk musicians additional sources of income. It serves to preserve forms of folk-song that might disappear due to changing social, agricultural, and economic conditions in the villages. It also raises the awareness of folk art-forms in areas outside of the districts where they have traditionally been performed. However we must also remember that taking the folk music outside of its traditional environment begins to alter its fundamental nature. For the same reason that zoos are not a substitute for preservation of natural wildlife, in the same way, the rise in popularity of folk theatre in non-traditional; urban settings is not a panacea for the loss of rural cultures.
For any art-form to thrive, there must also be a vibrant system for its instruction and propagation. The instruction for the vaoaiya folk-song is typical of instruction of folk music throughout South Asia. It is strictly an oral tradition. However unlike the formalised systems of training which are typical of the classical traditions, (e.g. Hindustani Sangeet), this oral tradition is significantly less formalised. As such, you occasionally find material transmitted from teacher to student within the confines of a moderately structured theatre group, but it is more likely that the folk-songs are simply absorbed organically in the same way that other aspects of culture (e.g., food, languages, religious beliefs) are transmitted. It should be mentioned that institutional presence in the preservation, and transmission of folk-songs is presently underway, both by governmental organisations as well as NGOs, but this is still in its infancy.
There are strong gender associations in the vaoaiya. Although the themes of the songs often were those of the feelings of women, the vaoaiya were usually composed and performed by men. It is interesting to look at this fact from the standpoint of women's rights. Where the urban Bengali male only became vocal concerning women's rights after mid 20th century, the performers and composers of this folk-song were showing these same concerns at least a century or two earlier. In someway those folks may be considered to be pioneers in this movement. Can this be considered to be a proto-feminist movement?
It must be noted that simply being concerned about the condition of women is not the same as the empowerment of women. The fact that women originally did not sing the vaoaiya, does raise questions about it feminist credentials. However in recent years, there has been a rise in of feminist school of thought which actively embrace the concept of essentialism. The non-participation of women in the performance of the vaoaiya may be merely a rural acknowledgement of this basic essentialism, specifically in regards to the division of labour. With the ever widening definitions and scope of feminism, it is arguable that the traditional vaoaiya may have elements of essentialist feminist thought.
Ultimately these discussions of whether vaoaiya may be considered to represent a form of essentialist based feminism is of absolutely no importance for several reasons. First, I believe that most people would praise the efforts and sentiments of the pro-women stance, but would balk at its inclusion into the relatively narrow definitions of feminism. Secondly it is a mere academic exercise attempting to force an element of Bengali folk culture into a largely irrelevant Western intellectual cubby-hole. Finally, the conditions have totally changed since the 1950's. From that time on, women have been singing and performing the vaoaiya; therefore the non-participation of women has been a non-issue for half a century.
The social settings are certainly important for the production and consumption of this artform, but this naturally leads us to some other topics. We have already alluded to the fact that these settings are reflected in the subject matter of the songs. It is therefore appropriate for us to take a much closer look at the themes and subject matter of these songs.
The themes of the vaoaiya folk-song reflect the experiences of rural life in northern Bangladesh. They reflect the professions and viewpoints of village life. We can say that the themes of this folk-song revolve around four main topics. These deal with occupations, common life issues, nature, and folk journalism. Although a review of the agrarian lifestyle readily shows that all of these topics are interrelated, it never-the-less forms a convenient position from which to begin our discussion.
The vaoaiya is commonly linked to the professions of rural life. Common professions are the, mahout (elephant handler), moishal (buffalo handler), rakhal (cow boy), boidals (bull cart driver), garials (cow cart driver) hallooa (cultivator), or the vui-nira (weed cleaner of the crop fields). The varied aspects of these professions form major themes for the folksongs.
However, the themes of the various professions do not stay confined to professional topics, for they spill over into the area of lifestyle and life issues. Evening often finds the villagers many miles away from their homes. For instance, in the old days, moishals (buffalo handlers) had to stay in bathans away from home and family. Mahoot (elephant drivers) too, worked in the distant riverbank areas and forests, had the same hard and lonely fate. Garial (cow-cart drivers) had to transport rice, jute etc. to distant ports or market places; such trips often took several days. The separation imposed by the nature of the agrarian economies naturally lead to feelings of loneliness. It should be no surprise that such feelings are commonly reflected in the themes of the vaoaiya folk-song.
Common life-issue subjects of vaoaiya are men-women's worldly affection, spiritualism, desire of affection, painful feelings of lost love, destitution, desire of pre-marital meetings, sufferings of early widowhood, late marriage of mature women, etc. It also reflects women's variegated feelings such as love, affection, likes, dislikes, hopes, frustrations, etc.
Nature also forms important themes of the vaoaiya folk song. The nature of the agrarian existence brings people into close contact with nature; therefore birds and other animals play an important part in this art-form. Appearances of birds are especially notable in vaoaiya's lyrics. In fact, birds are used to symbolise women's emotion. In vaoaiya, birds are the symbolic bearers of messages concerning their love and feelings to distant beloved ones. Rivers, and floods are also important themes of vaoaiya. This is simply because they play such an important role in shaping the rural lifestyle.
Vaoaiya is a good example of folk journalism. From its lyrics we know aeroplanes were first seen in this area (Rangpur) sky in 1931. Vaoaiya bears information regarding World War II, this is seen in references to the construction of Lalmonirhat airfield, construction of Kurigram - Chilmari railway track, and other themes. We also get information regarding natural disasters such as cyclones (hurricanes), floods, tidal-bore, famine, etc.
The fact that the vaoaiya folk song reflects themes of the pastoral existence is no surprise; however we must also take note of themes which are conspicuous by their absence. Vaoaiya was never composed on mythological characters or tales. Unlike many other folk-songs of the subcontinent, Lord Krishna and Radha have no presence in vaoaiya's theme. The name "Kala" (nickname of the Lord Krishna) is found in few lyrics, but that has no religious link, is only to address a women's beloved one.
The classification of the various forms of vaoaiya is a thorny topic. As in many other folk art forms, scholars have proposed classifications, which may be academically defensible, but are generally not acknowledged by the practitioners themselves.
Scholars have classified the vaoaiya as:
We must reiterate that although these classifications have been used by scholars, they are generally not used by the performers of these folk-songs. Instead one finds a system of classification based upon prominent words of the lyrics. It should be noted that the musical characteristics of these classifications are irrelevant.
Here are some examples of the forms of vaoaiya as the people themselves would classify them:
We must look at some of the musical characteristics of the vaoaiya folk-song. This will require an examination of the melodic forms, rhythmic forms, as well as forms of musical accompaniment.

A dhol player performing in a village function
Modal Characteristics - There are two common modes used in the vaoaiya. They are found in different parts of the country.
The first mode that we will discuss is found in the southern part of Rangpur. It is characterised by the minor third and the minor seventh. It may be expressed as follows:
There is another common mode which is found in the northern part of Rangpur, Jalpaiguri, Coch-behar, Goalpara areas. It is exactly the same, except it is characterised by the use of only the minor seventh. It is shown below:
There are two points to keep in mind about these modes. One should note that neither of these modes have a name in the local dialects. Another thing to remember, is that these modes have been normalised to the key of C for notational convenience. These modes may be performed in any key which is convenient to the performers.
The register of these songs is generally limited to slightly over an octave. Although this may seem limited, people have proposed a number of practical reasons why this should be the case. The most obvious reason is to accommodate the varied musical capabilities of singers who are not professional musicians. But it has also been put forth that singing in the higher octaves would cause distress and agitation among the herds of the cows, buffalo herds, and elephants. Others have put forth an even simpler reason; why would a tired working folk, want to expend the energies to sing in the higher octaves?
We have discussed at some length the musical characteristics of the vaoaiya. We have seen that there are several modes in which they are performed. We should now turn our attention to the rhythmic forms.
Rhythm of Vaoaiya - The rhythmic system of South Asia is known as "tal". It is structurally similar to Western concepts of rhythm, in that it has three main units of structure. There is the beat, the measure, and there is the cycle. However the emphasis is different in that in South Asia, the major emphasis is placed on the cycle, while the measure is considerably downgraded in importance. This has the practical result of making "mixed measure" extremely common in South Asia where it is a rarity in the West.
The rhythmic patterns used in vaoaiya is very typical of the folk music found throughout Northern India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The most common is Kaherava tal which roughly corresponds to the Western "common time". This is generally classified as two measures of four beats each.
Another rhythmic form which is occasionally found is a rhythm named "Teora". The term of course a cognate of Tivra, and indeed the abstract structure of Tivra tal is the same as the Bengali folk Teora. However, stylistically there is a difference between the folk Teora of Bangladesh, and the more classical Tivra tal found in the Hindustani system of classical music. Teora is generally considered to consist of three measures, of three beats, two beats, and two beats respectively. It is generally cvonsidered to have the structure:
XDha GheRe NagGa | 2TeRe KeTe | 3GoDi GheNe |
It has been suggested that perhaps this tal is a recent import into the vaoiaya. Older traditional vaoiayas are conspicuous in their absence and even today it is seldom heard.
There is also a three or six beat pattern which is commonly found in the region. Throughout most of Sub-Himalayan South Asia, this style is referred to as Dadra, but in this region it is referred to as "chotka". Chotka is the outcome of early nineteenth century fusion of vaoaiya with Saontali Jhumur (3/4 time). This appears to be the result of a cultural mixing between the Santalis and the Rajbongshis.
The tempo of the vaoaiya folksongs vary. Songs related to bathan, moishal (buffalo herders) are of higher tempo than songs related to mahoot (elephant keepers). Songs related to garial and chilamari bondor carts are the fastest of all.
Ornamentation - There are two types of ornamentation which seem to be particular characteristics of the vaoaiya folk-song. One is a characteristic exaggeration of aspirated syllables, and the other is a type of yodelling referred to as "gola vanga".
There is a peculiar type of ornamentation that is a characteristic of vaoaiya. This is called "gola vanga" which literally translates to "breaking the voice". This type of ornamentation does not appear to have an Western equivalent. It has been described as yodelling; this probably is the closest approximation, because the technique is very similar. The major difference is that where yodelling involves a continuous trill of notes, the gola-vanga merely involves the sudden shift from one note to another note of suitable harmonic relationship. In other words, it is the linking of two distantly placed notes in a manner that you start with a high note and suddenly shift down to a distant note using the vocal technique of yodellers. The "gola vanga" ornamentation comes without effort to the native singers, but non-native singers generally have a difficult time with this.
The "gola vanga" form of ornamentation may have evolved from natural causes. It is suggested that singing as the cart rode upon bumpy and uneven ground would naturally cause such irregularities in the voice. After some time, such irregular pitch changes became a mandatory ornamentation for the vaoaiya.
The "gola vanga" ornamentation may be performed with several variations. For instance the harmonic relationship may be varied. It may be performed within middle octave, middle octave down to lower octave, in one octave within 2 to 4 notes. Its duration may also change; it may cover one, or several words.
There are actually two versions of gola vanga. In the Northern parts, the gola vanga is much slower than in the southern areas. Therefore where the faster cuts of the southern version resemble yodelling, the northern version is more of a glissando.
The "gola vanga" pitch change ornament is not the only type of ornamentation that is common in the vaoaiya; another extremely strong ornamentation is a highly exaggerated aspiration of the words. It has been postulated that this exaggerated aspiration was also originally the result of singing while riding a cart over very uneven ground, and that like the "gola vanga", it too became a mandatory ornament for the vaoaiya.
Instrumental Accompaniment - The vaoaiya folk-song may depend primarily on the voice, but there is also a rich tradition of musical accompaniment. The common instruments used to accompany the vaoaiya and their classification is as follows:
(1) Chordophone group: are dotora; gholtong (i.e., khomok), sharingda; banshi (bamboo or reed flutes); bena.
(2) Aerophone group: are bombashi; mukhbashi (fipple flute); folk shehanai; folk beena (abolished now).
(3) Idiophone group: are kashi, mondira (i.e. manjira), khafi (i.e. large Manjira) kortal; Nupur (i.e., Ghungur or ghungharu).
(4) Membranophone group (Rhythm instruments): are dhol, khol, akhrai (a practice dholak); korka (jhorka).

Dhorla river bank near Kurigram
Story Synopsis - On the Dhorla river bank, a trapper has fixed a trap. A male crane (boga), in his desire for the puti fish bait, flies in and gets caught. A red-goose (chokowa ponk-khi) sees this, and flies away and informs the crane's mate (bogi) about the situation. Upon hearing the distressing news, the she-crane (bogi) spreads her wings and flies to the Dhorla river bank. Upon seeing her trapped mate, she is at a lost for words as her mate will surely be dead soon. Here the proverb "sometimes silence is more eloquent than sound" proved to be true. With tears in both of their eyes boga and bogi see each other for the last time.
Sample lyrics one of the most popular/famous vaoaiya:
Sample-1
Bengali
English Translation

Bangladeshi crane trapper preparing his fand or trap.
Synopsis of Song - A cart driver reflects upon the longing for his woman, and her longing for him, during the long monotonous ride to the Chilmari river port
Bengali
English Translation
Synopsis of Song - A unmarried woman reflects upon her cruel fate which has not sent her a husband
Lyrics of Song - printed copy of vaoaiya (collection-1898 A.D.).
Bengali
English Translation
Lyrics of song - printed copy of vaoaiya (collection-1898 A.D.).
Synopsis of Song - These are the parting words of a wife to her husband, a merchant, on the eve of his sailing out to trade in distant places
Bengali
English Translation
baniya bondhu - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
Baniya - golgsmith.
baooi - tailor bird.
bari - land.
barir - of the land.
bathan - the grazing field and living ground of buffalos located on the river chars (islands).
baudia - 1) a drifter, 2) a way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
boga - he-crane.
bogar - of the he-crane.
bogdul - bats.
boidal - bull cart driver. Carts mostly carried goods.
boideshi - foreigner.
boido - 1) herbal medicine doctor, 2) way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
boiragi - 1) a yogi/jogi or a wandering renunciate, 2) way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
bokna moisher dudh - Milk of young cow or buffalo, said to be very nutritious. But drinking everyday was boring.
bokna - young buffalo or cows.
bondhu - friend, beloved.
bondor - a port.
changra - young boy.
changra bondhu - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
chilmari - name of a prominent river port on Brohmoputtro river. In old days it was a very prominent river port and export place.
chokoa - male partridge (red colour goose).
dhudh - milk.
doiol - magpie robin.
dokapori - young girl who wears two cloths, as opposed to a mature girl who wears a single-piece saree.
dola - low and plain to some extent cultivatable land.
dolabarirgan - song of lowland.
gaan - song.
garial - cow cart drivers. Cart goods or passenger carrier.
garial vai - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
gata - means collectively working for cultivation.
gatar - of collectively working for cultivation.
gatar-gaan - song of collectively work for cultivation.
halu-a - cultivators, men who plough.
howda - seat with a railing that fitted on the back of an elephant for carrying 4 to 8 persons.
kala - nickname of lord Krishna (here symbolic name of beloved).
kanai - nickname of lord Krishna (here symbolic name of beloved).
kobiraj - herbal medicine doctor.
kokil - Indian coocoo
konkura - china grass (rhea) or Urtica rivea. This grows wild in various parts of the district, but chiefly on the churs in the rivers. It is principally used for making fishing net."
konkura suta - a thread made of koncura.
konkurar - of the china grass
kurua - fishing eagle;
machuya - fisher man;
mahoot - elephant keeper, driver, trapper, trainer. they used to do jobs on a yearly contract basis. Their working places were the banks of the rivers.
mahoot bondhu - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
moishabondhu - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
moishal - buffalo herd keepers or buffalo-boy. jobs were on yearly contract. working places were mostly in char lands (low & sandy islands) of the rivers.
nagor - lover.
naiya - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
puti - a silver colour small fish - cyprinus sophore.
rakhal - cow herd keepers. Jobs were on yearly contract. Working places were available grazing ground.
rakhoal bondhu - way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
shadhu - 1)godman or medicant, 2) way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
shikari - hunter.
shipai - 1) a soldier, 2) a way of addressing the protagonist of the story.
shuya - 1) beloved, 2) goad/hook, by which an elephant is controlled.
sokhi - female friend.
suta - thread.
vai - 1) brother, 2) common term of endearment.
veloa - big old owl;
vromor - bumble bee.
vui-nira - weed cleaner of crop field.
vui - cultivating land.
Bangla Folk Song : O Amar Darodi Agee Janle Tor Bhanga
Ferdousi Rahman - Jay John Prem'r Bhab Janey Na
Bangla Folk Song : Pran Bandhur Birohe
O Ki Ekbar Ashia

Wing Commander Mir Ali Akhtar (retired) on the on the river Dhudhkumar a.k.a. Khiropakhkha
My interest in the Dhorla river basin area of northern Bangladesh goes back to my time in the military. I came here for the first time in July of 1971; this was while I was fighting in the War of Liberation. We had to "fall back" up to this area, and then later advanced again. While in these remote parts, it struck me as being a very remarkable place.
I started my musical researches after my retirement from the military in 1998. I was 47 at the time. I started to do research on a variety of folk arts. My particular areas of interest were, vaoaiya folksongs, folk musical instruments, folk-theatre, and war-dance (lathi naach/khela). I did this for the next 10 years. During this period, I visited every square kilometre of these remote areas. I travelled by road, by boat, by motor bike, by bicycle, on foot, by rickshaw, cycle-van, and other locally made public transport.
I have learned a lot, but there is still much more work to be done. Just in the area of musical instruments alone, there were references to about 40 musical instruments; but have only been able to find only 22 of them. But I shall continue working as long as I am able.
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© 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009 David and Chandrakantha Courtney
For comments, corrections, and suggestions, kindly contact David Courtney at david@chandrakantha.com